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Tuesday 10 February 2015

Cricket, Poker, Luck and Skill

Chris Bradshaw in Wisden India

About the only thing that the Rio Casino in Las Vegas has in common with Lord’s is that it attracts a disproportionate number of men with a liking for bright red trousers. Superficially, there’s little in common between the home of the World Series of Poker and cricket’s traditional headquarters. Dig a little deeper though and there is a surprising amount that cricketers, and especially captains, can learn from their poker-playing counterparts.
Richie Benaud famously said: “Captaincy is 90 per cent luck, only 10 per cent skill – but don’t try it without the 10 per cent.” Despite being more of a horse-racing man than a card sharp (Benaud restricts himself to wagers on things that cannot speak), his adage sounds remarkably similar to something written by Doyle Brunson, one of the greatest poker players who has ever lived.
In his best-selling 1978 strategy book Super System: A Course In Power Poker, the two-time World Series of Poker Main Event winner wrote: “Poker is more art than science, that’s what makes it so difficult to master. Knowing what to do – the science – is about 10 per cent of the game. Knowing how to do it – the art – is the other 90 per cent.” Not identical to Benaud’s line but near enough to warrant a closer look.
Poker players loosely fit into two main playing styles. Tight players proceed cautiously and wait for the best hands. Loose players will play with any two cards. Taken to its extreme, a super-tight player would only play a pair of aces while a hyper-loose player would try his luck with anything, even 7-2 off suit, the worst starting hand in Texas hold ’em. Allied to the tight and loose tendencies are levels of aggression. Aggressive players are always on the front foot, looking to attack, while passive players tend to fear losing rather than trying to win.
In the long run, both tight and loose aggressive poker players can be successful. It’s possible, but much harder, for tight passive types to make much money. Loose passive players might as well set fire to their bankroll.
Those tendencies are often clearly visible on the cricket pitch. A tight captain will wait until he has a ridiculous lead before setting a declaration while a looser leader would dangle a carrot. Andrew Strauss was a prime example of a tight, aggressive captain. The commentary box moaners may not have liked his seemingly defensive fields but by employing a sweeper early in the innings – rather than having an extra slip, say – Strauss preferred to retain control rather than speculate. When and only when, the game was in his team’s favour would Strauss go on the attack.
Brendon McCullum, on the other hand, is much more akin to the loose aggressive poker player and willing to have a gamble. If he sets an attacking field and the ball flies through the vacant cover region to the boundary, so what? An unorthodox bowling change may mean conceding a few runs but it might also pick up a wicket. If the rewards are big enough, he’ll follow that hunch even if the results are costly if he’s proved wrong.
The flip side of that aggressive stance can be seen in any number of delayed England declarations and botched run chases. Take the home side’s 2001 capitulation to Pakistan at Old Trafford. Alec Stewart’s side went from tight aggressive to tight passive with disastrous results. With the score at 174 for one and needing another 196 runs from 45 overs for a famous victory, England lost a wicket then shut up shop. Instead of going for the win, they tried not to lose. One session and eight wickets later, Waqar Younis and co had tied the series.
***
The stereotype of the poker player as a fast-talking, cigar-chomping, road gambler is an outdated one. You’re far more likely to see a softly spoken Scandinavian wearing headphones and a hoodie in a top tournament these days rather than a Stetson-wearing Texan. Technology has transformed poker and the statistically-minded are in the ascendancy.
Virtually every professional poker player now uses a database to log every raise, every bet size, every fold, every call, every unexpected all-in move and just about everything else that happens at the online tables. Crunching the numbers to identify opposition weaknesses and their own technical deficiencies has become a crucial weapon for even semi-serious players of the game.
Cricket’s own statistical revolution has mirrored the one undergone by poker. Every delivery is tracked by an analyst, every shot monitored by a specialist coach and every potential technical frailty probed by the team’s brain trust. The captains in the Sky commentary box (what is the collective noun for a group of England captains? A disappointment? A grumble?) may say that a third man should be in place. The figures in black and white suggest otherwise.
Of course it’s all well and good for a team to have a plethora of stats at their disposal, but if they don’t know how to use them it can cause more confusion than clarity. Despite enjoying some recent success, England have been accused of producing teams full of cricketing automatons, unable to think on their feet or adapt in the face of changing circumstances. If the plan discussed in the dressing-room isn’t working, England’s C-3POs have often seemed too rigid to do anything about it. “The stats said we should bounce them out. We’ll carry on bouncing them, even though the ball is disappearing to the boundary twice an over.”
A good captain, like a good poker player, will use the stats but won’t be a slave to them. He will still trust his feel for the game to assess the strengths and weaknesses of his opponent.
The concept of pot odds is also one that is easily transferable to cricket. A poker player may have to pay to chase his straight or flush draw but if the odds are right, it becomes a mathematically correct move to make. It’s a risk, but in the long run the rewards justify taking that chance. Similarly, a bowler might dish up three half volleys, knowing that they’ll likely be despatched through an extra-cover region deliberately left vacant. The fourth delivery, a fraction shorter and a touch wider, gets nicked and is pouched by the slip fielder who could have been patrolling the covers. The bowler may have given up a few extra runs but has been rewarded with a wicket. A good poker player knows when to take a gamble as if he hits his outs, he’ll make a big profit. A cricket captain should be able to do the same.
“Play aggressively, it’s the winning way,” Brunson writes. Being aggressive isn’t a call to suddenly awaken your inner Merv and start mouthing off at the competition. It simply means taking control and dictating terms. “Timid players don’t win in high-stakes poker.” They rarely win at cricket either.
It sounds obvious but the great captains, like the best poker players, are always thinking one move ahead of their opponent. A successful poker player will recognise when to adapt as the conditions of the game alter. The arrival of a deep-stacked, ultra-loose player can completely change the dynamics of a table, just as a big-hitting tail-ender can totally change the momentum in cricket. An intuitive captain will know when to attack and when to hang back and wait for a more profitable opportunity. “Changing gears is one of the most important parts of playing poker. It means shifting from loose to tight play and vice versa,” writes Brunson.
Andrew Strauss was a prime example of a tight, aggressive captain - who would wait until he has a ridiculous lead before setting a declaration. © Getty Images
Andrew Strauss was a prime example of a tight, aggressive captain – who would wait until he has a ridiculous lead before setting a declaration. © Getty Images
The same is true of players going on a hot streak and winning a number of pots in quick succession. “Your momentum is clear to all players. On occasions like this you’re going to make correct decisions and your opponents may make errors because they are psychologically affected by your rush.” Brunson could be writing about any captain whose side has inflicted a crippling batting collapse on the opposition.
To succeed, “you’ll need to get inside your opponent’s head,” writes Brunson. In the modern game, there has been no better exponent of this than Shane Warne (just ask poor Daryl Cullinan). Being able to turn a leg-break a yard was famously Warne’s greatest asset. His mastery of the dark arts of mental disintegration helped shape the aura that accompanied him wherever he played though, especially against England. Before every series there was talk of a new mystery delivery. The zooter, the clipper, whatever you want to call it. The new phantom ball rarely appeared but the seed had been planted, the trap set, the bluff laid. And Warne was ready to collect.
Of course a cricket skipper can utilise the team members he has at his disposal while a poker player rides solo. For Steve Waugh, having Shane Warne and Glenn McGrath in his side was like being dealt aces every hand. Aces make you a favourite, but they do get cracked if they’re not handled properly. Poker players are dealt duff hands most of the time. The best players get the best out of what they’ve been given.
Even though he’s now in his eighties, Brunson still manages to play in some of the biggest cash games around, with thousands of dollars at stake. Successful “old-school” players have welcomed the way the game has changed and adapted accordingly (you won’t hear a Truemanesque “I don’t know what’s going off out there” from Brunson). Like cricketing tactics, poker techniques have evolved over time. If Brunson played the same way now as he did when he won his first world title in 1976 he’d be eaten alive by the twentysomething maths geeks. The basic philosophies outlined in Super System still hold true though. The precise tactics may have changed but the instincts that served him so well at the start of his career continue to do so today.
The poker world these days is peppered with current and former sporting greats. Footballers Tony Cascarino and Teddy Sheringham have earned six-figure paydays on the tournament circuit. Rafa Nadal and Boris Becker act as ambassadors for a major online poker site. Given the storm surrounding match-rigging and spot-fixing, it’s probably understandable that most cricketers have steered clear. The obvious exception is Shane Warne, who regularly clears a couple of weeks from his commentary schedule to play at the World Series of Poker.
In a brief stint as captain of Australia’s one-day side Warne enjoyed great success, winning 10 out of 11 matches. The same formula brought IPL glory to the Rajasthan Royals and promotion and one-day success to Hampshire.
Ian Chappell once wrote that the leg-spinner who most resembled Warne was the feisty Australian Bill “Tiger” O’Reilly, a man who openly hated batsmen. “He thought they were trying to take the food out of his mouth and consequently he was ultra-aggressive in his efforts to rid himself of the competition,” wrote Chappell. “Warne had a similar thought process and he was constantly plotting the batsman’s downfall.” Sounds like ideal card-room strategy. It’s no wonder Warne’s now a pretty good poker player.
Mike Brearley’s The Art of Captaincy is usually the first book off the shelf for budding skippers. Potential leaders could do worse than making Super System their second.

With penalties so weak, tax evasion is worth the risk

Polly Toynbee in The Guardian

At last night’s Black and White ball to raise funds for the Conservatives, more than 500 phenomenally rich donors gathered in London’s Grosvenor House hotel – last year’s guests were worth £22bn. Paying £15,000 for dinner was peanuts compared to sums this assembly of plutocrats will donate to the party – no wonder there’s been a news lockdown. Are these the people who really run the country, buying an election to ensure government by their people, for their people? That’s for voters to consider in May: Cameron’s government has certainly been kind to its funders.
But there could hardly be a worse day for the ball as the Guardian, Le Monde, BBC Panorama and the Washington-based International Consortium of Investigative Journalists revealed a whistleblower’s details of some of the wealthy account-holders – including tax dodgers – with HSBC in Switzerland.
It has taken our reporting team several months to sort the mountainous information revealed about these Swiss accounts. This investigation has proved in some ways more difficult and risky than taking on the secret world in our WikiLeaks revelations, or even than the Snowden files. The might of the US and UK state, the fury of governments and secret services, are nowhere near as dangerous to a newspaper as the threats we have received from a string of top law firms trying to prevent revelation of their clients’ secret Swiss accounts.
Over the past four weeks we have been dealing with long and threatening lawyers’ letters from some of those we are naming. They accuse us of “false, misleading, sloppy journalism” and “defamation”, with threats under the Data Protection Act and warnings of injunctions: “You may be in no doubt that legal actions will swiftly follow”, and the like. Carter-Ruck, Schillings, Withers, Hill Dickinson – and many others – pile in to try to frighten us off. The danger is that we can be right 99 out of 100 times, with more revelations still to come – but one error can kill you. The new defamation law should be better than the old libel laws, but its impact has yet to be tested in court.
For nearly five years the government has stayed silent about these HSBC Swiss account-holders. How grateful the world of Tory donors must be to see this embarrassment handled with gentlemanly delicacy. No naming, shaming – or, God forbid, prosecutions. Instead, privately some but by no means all that’s owing has been repaid by UK cheats – so far £135m.
Tax evasion is a risk well worth taking with such trivial penalties: in some cases all HMRC demands is the tax owed, plus interest, plus 10% – not confiscation. The total collected is far less than the French and Spanish have reclaimed, though the UK has many more account-holders. Among them are famous names, entrepreneurs and aristocratic families – alongside dictators and drug dealers. HMRC has treated them with the same discretion as HSBC did when they handed over bricks of money to “respectable” people. Compare all this to the slightest infringement of benefit rules over minuscule sums.
Tax cheats are forever one step ahead. That’s why George Osborne carefully introduced a General Anti-Avoidance Rule – which expensive lawyers can get round – not a General Anti-Avoidance Principle, which would strike at the spirit of avoidance. The US, Belgian, French and Argentinian governments have instigated criminal proceedings against HSBC – it’s no surprise that our government has not.
One embarrassment would be any development implicating Stephen Green, former HSBC top man, appointed by David Cameron as minister of state for trade and investment in September 2010, despite the authorities already having the dynamite details of HSBC’s tax-avoiding connivance. Few experts think HSBC exceptionally venal; it’s just the one that got caught – again. Only regulation can stop them – shame doesn’t work. HSBC was obscured in the public mind by its chairman’s piety as an ordained priest.
Lord Green was chief executive from 2003 to 2006, until he took over the chair. Pursued down the street by Panorama, he had nothing to say. But in the past he has written much about ethical banking in two books reconciling God and Mammon. However, under his custodianship Mammon seems to have got the upper hand. His report is among papers for discussion on restructuring the Church of England at the synod this week. His effort to bring business culture into the church is not well timed, with its management-speak aim of turning the clergy into a “talent pool” of future business-type executives. The Dean of Christ Church College, Oxford, Professor Martyn Percy, is not alone in choking into his chalice at receiving “a summons urging early booking for an MBA-style programme”. Green is one of the high net-worth evangelicals of Holy Trinity Brompton, favoured by many wealthy holy-rollers. Their creed has always been that God rewards wealth: to him that hath, more shall be given – tax-free.
Labour is lucky this global story blew up in a week already dominated by a tax avoidance row: it was a Tory blunder to put up the Monaco-dwelling head of Boots to call Labour a “catastrophe”, when his company pays a fraction of the UK tax it did before switching its base to Switzerland. Timing is important here: the HSBC revelations haven’t emerged on Labour’s watch. Both Eds have frequently – and rightly – apologised for Labour’s feeble regulation of banks pre-crash, while always reminding Cameron and Osborne that they called loudly for less banking “red tape” in those days.
Ed Miliband warns the many tax havens under the British crown that he will clamp down – not before time. He now needs to show his determination by setting up an office of tax responsibility, where he should install Margaret Hodge to chase up her public accounts committee tax investigations.
In power Labour shied away, afraid of offending business. Not this time. It’s worth recalling that Tony Blair in 1997 had no FTSE 100 supporters: they and the CBI warned of the dire consequences of a national minimum wage. They called his £5bn windfall tax on utilities “Stalinist”. For Labour, only the assumption of power brings business converts – seekers after preferments, contracts and influence. Those who assume otherwise delude themselves.

It's time to tackle the myths in education

Tom Bennett in The Telegraph

Are you a visual learner or a kinaesthetic learner? Perhaps you are an auditory learner? Maybe you learn best when implementing a combination of these 'learning styles'.
Over the past 40 years, the 'learning style' theory has garnered support from professionals across the education community and has become a much-used teaching tool across the UK.
But does the longevity of 'learning styles' and its persistent presence in the classroom actually mean it has any educational value at all? The simple answer is, no one can be sure; because no one has categorically proved the theory one way or the other.
Tom Bennett, teacher, author and Director of researchED, says there are many such theories that fill classrooms across Britain that have little grounding in scientific research. According to Bennett, it's time teachers learnt to raise a "sceptical eyebrow".
“We have had all kinds of rubbish thrown at us over the last 10 to 20 years,” he says. “We’ve been told that kids only learn properly in groups. We’ve had people claiming that children learn using brain gym, people saying that kids only learn if you appeal to their learning style. There’s not a scrap of research that substantiates this, and, unfortunately, it is indicative of the really, really dysfunctional state of social science research that exists today.” 
One of the main problems in resolving this issue is the fact that educational theory, unlike the actual sciences, is very difficult to test. How do you find out if the assertion that ‘children learn best in groups’ is actually correct? How do you test the effectiveness of 'homework', when homework can consist of anything from essays to artwork?
A new fund, launched last year by the Wellcome Trust and the Education Endowment Foundation (EEF), is seeking to answer some of these questions. Six university-led projects have been funded to research how neuroscience can help pupils learn more effectively in the classroom.
While Bennett welcomes the work of the EEF, he says teachers need to be weary of who is leading research projects.
“You hear people say that children must have iPads in order to be 21st century learners, but when you look at the research that tries to substantiate this claim, it’s normally written by iPad manufacturers and technology zealots, and that’s fine, but don’t pretend it’s research," he says. "Children don’t have the time to waste on that rubbish, especially poor children.”
Bennett isn’t the only one to voice these concerns. According to new research by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), trillions of dollars are spent on education policies around the world, but just one in 10 are actually evaluated.
Commenting on the research, Andreas Schleicher, OECD director of education and skills, said: "If we want to improve educational outcomes we need to have a much more systematic and evidence-based approach.”
Speaking at the Education World Forum in London, Schleicher added: "We need to make education a lot more of a science."
It seems an obvious statement, but, clearly, not one that has been put into practice over the years. With many initiatives left unsubstantiated.
Bennett has been a vocal critic of such educational practices and founded researchED as a way to counter the myths in education and improve research literacy within the education community.
“There are two main things I am calling for here,” he says. “One is that I want to highlight to teachers the rubbish that is out there, so that when someone comes along and says, ‘you should do this to help children learn’ teachers can raise a sceptical eyebrow and say ‘what’s the evidence behind that?’, ‘why should I spend six extra hours a week doing this?’, ‘why should my school spend half a million pounds doing it?’
“These are really important questions; both for ministers looking at education policy, and for team leaders within a school environment.
“The second thing is I would like teachers to engage more with driving good research. At the moment, a lot of research is very distant from the classroom, it’s done by people who don’t understand children, it’s done by people who have never taught. I want teachers to engage more with good research and drive future research.”
One of Bennett’s goals with researchED is to give teachers the opportunity and courage to question research, to be sceptical about practices and to look at the provenance of research before wholly accepting assertions as fact.
The organisation has proved hugely successful since its launch in 2013, growing from an initial conference in Dulwich College, to launches in New York and Sydney this year.
It has also led to Bennett being nominated for the inaugural $1 million Varkey Foundation Global Teacher Prize, the largest prize of its kind given to one exceptional teacher in recognition of their contribution to education.
Along with Richard Spencer, a teacher at Middlesbrough College in Billingham, County Durham, Bennett is the only nomination from the UK.
“It’s very strange,” he says. “I certainly don’t feel like one of the top two teachers in the country. There are probably better teachers in my school.
“I like this award, not only because I’ve been nominated, but because it’s a celebration of teachers and raises their status nationally and internationally. All the people on the list – and I’m very honoured to be on the shortlist – have done lots of things outside of the classroom to try and make things better for teaching in general.”
“From my point of view, and to return to my main argument, I want teachers to be a lot more sceptical of what they read, because often the evidence is far less conclusive than people would like to have you believe.
“Really good science tells you when you’re wrong. I’m not saying that people don’t have learning styles, because there is no evidence that we don’t. But as Richard Dawkins highlighted, ‘you can’t prove a negative’”

Monday 9 February 2015

Top 100 HSBC account holders with Indian addresses

By: Express News Service | Posted: February 9, 2015 2:00 am | Updated: February 9, 2015 11:49 am
Here is the full #swissleaks list
1. UTTAMCHANDANI GOPALDAS WADHUMAL/family $54,573,535
2. MEHTA RIHAN HARSHAD/ family $53,631,788
3. THARANI MAHESH THIKAMDAS $40,615,288
4. GUPTA SHRAVAN $32,398,796
5. KOTHARI BHADRASHYAM HARSHAD/ family $31,555,874
6. SHAUNAK JITENDRA PARIKH/family $30,137,608
7. TANDON SANDEEP $26,838,488
8. AMBANI MUKESH DHIRUBHAI $26,654,991
9. AMBANI ANIL $26,654,991
10. KRISHNA BHAGWAN RAMCHAND $23,853,117
11. DOST PARIMAL PAL SINGH $21,110,345
12. GOYAL NARESH KUMAR $18,716,015
13. MEHTA RAVICHANDRA VADILAL $18,250,253
14. PATEL KANUBHAI ASHABHAI $16,059,129
15. SACHIV RAJESH MEHTA $12,341,074
16. ANURAG DALMIA/family $9,609,371
17. RAVICHANDRAN MEHTA BALKRISHNA $8,757,113
18. KUMUDCHANDRA SHANTILAL MEHTA/family $8,450,703
19. PATEL RAJESHKUMAR GOVINDLAL/family $6,908,661
20. HEMANT DHIRAJ $6,237,932
21. ANUP MEHTA/family $5,976,998
22. TANDON ANNU $5,728,042
23. SIDHARTH BURMAN $5,401,579
24. SALGOACAR DIPTI DATTARAJ $5,178,668
25. DABRIWALA SURBHIT/family $5,000,000
26. VAGHELA BALWANTKUMAR DULLABHAI $4,405,465
27. DILIPKUMAR DALPATLAL MEHTA $4,255,230
28. KULDIP & GURBACHAN SINGH DHINGRA $4,144,256
29. LAKHANI JAMNA THAKURDAS $4,123,673
30. RAJIV GUPTA $4,113,705
31. SAWHNEY ARMINDER SINGH $3,965,881
32. ISRANI LOVEEN GURUMUKHDAS $3,824,104
33. NATVARLAL BHIMBHAI DESAI/family $3,746,078
34. TULSIANI JAWAHARLAL GULABRAI/family $3,730,145
35. GUPTA RAJIV $3,545,416
36. JAISWAL LADLI PERSHAD $3,496,063
37. CARVAHLO ALOYSIUS JOSEPH $3,313,788
38. PRADIP BURMAN $3,199,875
39. TULSIANI SHAM GULABRAI/family $3,066,991
40. VITHALDAS JANAKI KISHORE $3,031,220
41. KUMAR VENU RAMAN $3,063,064
42. THAKKAR DILIP JAYANTILAL $2,989,534
43. TULSIANI PARTAB GULABRAI $2,901,435
44. ADENWALLA DHUN DORAB/family $2,863,271
45. BURMAN PRADIP $2,831,238
46. TULSIANI NARAINDAS GULBARI $2,818,300
47. DASOT PRAVEEN $2,801,634
48. PATEL LALITABEN CHIMANBHAI $2,741,488
49. CHATHA JOGINDER SINGH $2,732,838
50. SHYAM PRASAD MURARKA $2,546,516
51. DHURVENDRA PRAKASH GOEL $2,488,239
52. NANDA SURESH/family $2,303,713
53. GIDWANI ANAN NELUM $2,228,582
54. PRATAP CHHAGANLAL JOISHER/family $2,209,346
55. MEHTA DEVAUNSHI ANOOP $2,136,830
56. SHAW MOHAMMAD HASEEB/family $2,133,581
57. AHMED rizwan syed/family $2,125,644
58. VINITA SUNIL CHUGANI $2,085,158
59. SAWNEY BHUSHAN LAL $2,043,474
60. PARMINDER SINGH KALRA $2,042,180
61. CHOWDHURY RATAN SINGH $1,987,504
62. DHIRANI VIKRAM $1,915,148
63. NANDA SARDARILAL MATHRADAS $1,824,849
64. WILKINSON MARTHA $1,824,717
65. SAHNEY DEVINDER SINGH $1,763,835
66. TANEJA DHARAM VIR $1,748,541
67. DHINDSA KOMAL $1,597,425
68. CHATWANI TRIKAMJI/family $1,594,114
69. PITTIE MADHUSUDANLAL NARAYANLAL $1,462,594
70. BHARDWAJ ANIL $1,435,781
71. DIPENDU BAPALAL SHAH $1,362,441
72. BHARTIA ALOK $1,349,044
73. SINGH SHUBHA SUNIL $1,348,983
74. DANSINGHANI SHEWAK JIVATSING/family $1,267,743
75. KUMAR DAVINDER/family $1,231,088
76. JASDANWALLA ARSHAD HUSAIN ADAMSI/family $1,229,723
77. JHAVERI HARISH SHANTICHAND/ family $1,191,144
78. SINGHVI GANPAT $1,194,388
79. MILAN MEHTA/family $1,153,957
80. TUKSIANI ASHOK GULABRAI $1,140,890
81. MODI KRISHAN KUMAR $1,139,967
82. GARODIA BISHWANATH $1,071,858
83. JAGASIA ANURADHA ANIL $1,039,648
84. VITHALDAS KISHORE/family $1,020,028
85. CHANDRASHEKAR KADIRVELU BABU/family $1,007,357
86. GALANI DIPAK VARANDMA/family $940,191
87. SAWHNEY ARUN RAVINDRANATH $914,698
88. MERWAH CHANDER MOHAN $909,309
89. PATEL ATUL THAKORBHAI $813,295
90. NATHANI KUMAR SATURGUN $751,747
91. SATHE SUBHASH/family $749,370
92. SHAH ANIL PANNALAL/family $742,187
93. MADHIOK ROMESH $719,559
94. BHAVEN PREMATLAL JHAVERI $717,654
95. KINARIWALA KALPESH HARSHAD $713,340
96. GOKAL BHAVESH RAVINDRA $699,184
97. LAMBA SANJIV $644,923
98. SHOBHA BHARAT KUMAR ASHER $641,387
99. KATHORIA RAKESH KUMAR $589,753
100. BHANSALI ALKESH PRATAP CHANDRA $579,609

Sunday 8 February 2015

Victory in Greece

Tariq Ali on Syriza's victory in the Greek elections

The strange new world of evidence-free government

Zoe Williams in The Guardian
I remember, just about, when select committee meetings were the morgues of political process, the place debates went to die. Things are different now: wonks observe that we’ve got lucky with the chairs – Margaret Hodge on the public accounts committee (PAC), Rory Stewart on defence, Sarah Wollaston on health – but committee work is flattered mainly by comparison with everything else. Most established interrogative processes have become so adversarial that they’re all theatre. Prime minister’s questions is about watching shouted wordplay that worked better on the page, then forcing out a mirthless laugh for the team. In broadcast interviews, ministers carefully dodge the delivery of any information at all; they would rather sound imbecilic, as if they understood very little and knew even less, than run the risk of having said anything of import. Over time, the dry meetings of the committee rooms have become remarkable: a Dame Something will ask systematic questions, in a transparent setting, about government or business policy, in the expectation of a mature and plausible response; and of course she won’t get one, but it is fascinatingly unusual to watch her try.
Most recently, Dame Anne Begg had some questions for the employment minister, Esther McVey, on the Welfare Reform Act of 2012. She wanted to know about cuts to benefits, having carefully gathered evidence from charities and food banks in advance. “Minimum JSA [jobseeker’s allowance] sanction,” she began, “went from two weeks to four weeks and the maximum went from six months to three years. These are quite sizeable lengths of time, so what evidence did you have on the likely impact on claimants that these extended sanction periods would have?”
Later on, the conversation would turn to the actual matter of deprivation: what was the pathway between being sanctioned and getting hardship funds? What was the link between sanctions and suicides? (The lack of ministerial interest here is pretty chilling.) But first, there was this knotty question: were there any reasonable grounds that could be shared with any reasonable person to think this policy would be effective – any attempt to visualise how it would look?
There were not. There was a lot of faffing, and some broad and extraneous evidence about sanctions in general. “I take it from your failure to answer the question that you did not do any research,” the chair finally concluded, having grilled McVey and the DWP’s Chris Hayes, for long enough.
The Joseph Rowntree Foundation as good as predicted this in 2010, when it wrote of benefit sanctions as a whole: “In countries where policy objectives are more closely connected to taxpayer buy-in irrespective of empirical evidence, one could argue that even the best specified impact results are of little, or at least secondary, importance to the political impetus for reform.” Or, in simpler – though inevitably more “politicised” language – governments that aren’t bothered what happens to people and are just trying to curry favour with what they think of as a vindictive electorate don’t tend to care much about data. And so it came to pass. People have died as a result of these sanctions: they have taken their own lives, citing destitution as the final straw, and they have died of starvation. This makes it particularly hard to countenance that the legislation might have been made entirely on a whim.
Committee after committee comes to this conclusion: in December, the PAC asked Ursula Brennan, permanent secretary to the Ministry of Justice, what research had been done into the changes to legal aid. “It was not possible to do research about the current regime,” she replied. “The government was explicit it needed to make these changes swiftly.” Surprise was expressed – in PAC language (“This is quite surprising”) rather than the terms heard on the floor of the Commons (“I am absolutely staggered”) – that such far-reaching changes could be undertaken without first asking some rudimentary questions of the professionals involved, gathering some slight evidence about the possible impact. “The piece of evidence that was overwhelming was the level of spending,” Brennan replied. “The evidence required was that government said ‘We wish to cut the legal aid bill.’” That’s not, plainly, what Hodge meant by the word – she was seeking out that pesky empirical evidence again. Why can’t she just remember that it’s secondary to the “political impetus for reform”?
From the point of view of governing – which includes, though unfortunately for Brennan, McVey et al is not limited to, budgeting – it is illogical to make significant changes without research. All (almost all) the people whose benefits were cut will still exist, at the end of this parliament. Their children will still exist. Their health problems will still exist, doubtless having been worsened by malnutrition and desperation. All the conflict for which legal aid was sought will still exist. The pressures on the legal system still exist, worsened by a surge in litigants in person (there has been a 30% rise in cases at the family courts in which both parties have to represent themselves). If you are taking even a medium-term view, it makes no sense to change systems without evidence. 
Cut indiscriminately, costs are likely to bob up elsewhere, where they will cost more and last longer.
I begin to wonder whether the real radicalism we observe here is not political as much as formal: government with only the shallowest roots and no eye on the future, whose only interest is near-term PR wins. Is it a feature of coalition or of the new Conservatism to have no interest in an action’s consequences? Hard to say. But it is the antithesis of conservatism.