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Tuesday, 30 May 2023

Money is not the root of all good

 From The Economist


How well off is humanity? Which countries’ citizens are thriving and which are languishing? Where are people making progress and where are they sliding back? Often the answers to such questions come from examining their economies. GDP per person, however, can only show so much. More important is how prosperity translates into well-being. A dataset published on May 24th by the Social Progress Imperative, a non-profit organisation, aims to show that. It ranks 170 countries on how well they have provided for their citizens, using metrics other than wealth. See how they compare in our interactive chart below.



The organisation is not alone in measuring development by methods other than money counting. The UN’s Human Development Index, for instance, combines GDP per person with measures of health and education. But the Social Progress Index (SPI) eschews GDP entirely. Instead, it tracks 52 indicators and groups them into three categories, to which it gives equal weight: basic human needs (such as food and water), the foundations for long-term development (education and health care) and “opportunity” (including personal rights and freedoms).

The results still suggest a link between wealth and well-being: the richest countries are often the ones where citizens thrive. Conditions are worst in the poorest. But the data also show that countries that have made great progress in some areas, such as meeting basic needs, let their citizens down in others, especially in protecting and expanding their freedoms.

The SPI’s findings for 2022 put Norway top, with a score of 90.7. South Sudan came last. In general wealthy European countries are among the highest-ranked whereas countries in sub-Saharan Africa are the lowest.

In a separate analysis, the SPI shows how scores have changed between 1990 and 2020 (the latest figures are omitted because of differences in its methodology). After rapid progress in the 1980s and 1990s, improvements in human welfare seem to have slowed. Progress in some regions, such as Latin America, has stalled. The United States, meanwhile, is going backwards. The covid-19 pandemic has probably hurt global progress even more since.

The region that experienced the greatest increase in well-being is East Asia and the Pacific. Taken together, countries there improved their SPI score by an average of 18 points between 1990 and 2020. Much of that was driven by the rise of China’s middle class, which showed up in higher scores on indicators for health education and provision of basic needs.

South Asia has also seen significant progress. India’s SPI score, for example, increased by 16 points over the three decades. But it is tiny Bhutan, sandwiched between India and China, that advanced the most among the 170 countries. Its score jumped by 30 points as it greatly increased its provisions for meeting basic human needs. That looks like a vindication for the country that invented “gross national happiness”, which its government prefers as a target to GDP. Venezuela, whose economy has shrunk by 75% since 2013 even as its dictator, Nicolás Maduro, tightened his grip on power, has seen the biggest drop of any country in its SPI rank between 1990 and 2020.

Paired with data on GDP, the SPI rankings show that economic growth is important, but not the sole determinant for social progress (see chart). China’s GDP per person increased 11-fold between 1990 and 2010; over the same period its SPI score increased by 45%. India achieved a similar jump in its score, from a slightly lower base, with a third of China’s economic growth.

America is another country where economic success is accompanied by deterioration in other areas. Despite having the richest citizens in the G7, a club of rich democracies, its SPI score, of 87.6, is the lowest in that group. Since 2016 America’s SPI score has gone steadily downwards even though its economy has grown faster than those of other rich countries. That is largely because of worse scores in the “opportunity” category, which includes measures of discrimination and access to advanced education. Worryingly, America’s performance reflects a trend: progress on personal rights is stalling around the world. Money, it seems, is not the root of all good.

How to treat the Fraud Epidemic!

Kelly Richmond Pope in The Economist

It marks a spectacular fall from grace for a one-time Silicon Valley star. This week a court in California ruled that, Hail Mary appeals notwithstanding, Elizabeth Holmes must report to prison on May 30th to begin serving an 11-year sentence for fraud. Theranos, the startup Ms Holmes had founded in 2003, was worth $9bn at its peak but crashed after its much-vaunted blood-testing technology was shown not to work, and she ended up in the dock for deceiving investors.

Theranos is one of a long list of financial scandals that have made headlines in recent years. Also among these are the frauds at Wirecard, a German payments processor, and Abraaj, a Dubai-based private-equity firm, various crypto-heists, and a bonanza of misappropriation of government handouts to businesses during the covid-19 pandemic. So many frauds are there, and so big are the biggest, that pilfering a billion dollars does not guarantee a global headline. Chances are you haven’t heard of Outcome Health, a Chicago-based health-tech firm whose former ceo and president were recently convicted of defrauding clients, lenders and investors of roughly that amount of money.

Beneath the blockbuster frauds in the billions of dollars is an alarmingly long tail of smaller financial scams. Taken together, these add up to a huge global problem. Research by Crowe, a financial-advisory firm, and the University of Portsmouth, in England, suggests that fraud costs businesses and individuals across the world more than $5trn each year. That is nearly 60% of what the world spends annually on health care.

The drivers of fraud are many and complex. Sometimes it is down to pure greed. Sometimes it begins with a relatively innocuous attempt to paper over a small financial crack but spirals when that initial effort fails; some believe that’s how it started with Bernie Madoff’s giant Ponzi scheme. Market pressure and a desire to exceed analysts’ expectations can also play a part: after the global financial crisis of 2007-09, ge was fined $50m for artificially smoothing its profits to keep investors sweet. Accounting ruses like this, which fall in a grey area, are more common than outright fraud. Among tech startups there is even an established term for manipulating the numbers to buy you time to navigate the rocky road to financial respectability: “fake it till you make it.”

Fraud is an all-weather pursuit. Economic booms help fraudsters conceal creative accounting, such as exaggerated revenues. Recessions expose some of this wrongdoing, but they also spawn fresh shenanigans. As funding dries up, some owners and managers cook the books to stay in business. When survival is at stake, the line between what is acceptable and unacceptable when disclosing information or booking sales can become blurred.

World events can stoke fraud, too. At the height of the pandemic, an estimated $80bn of American taxpayer money handed out under the Paycheck Protection Programme, set up to assist struggling businesses, was stolen by fraudsters. The covid-induced increase in remote working has created new opportunities for miscreants. The 2022 kpmg Fraud Outlook concludes that the surge in working from home has reduced businesses’ ability to monitor employees’ behaviour. Geopolitics affects fraud, too. nato countries experienced four times as many email-phishing attacks from Russia in 2022 as they did in 2020. Cybercrimes such as ransomware attacks have already transferred a staggering amount of wealth to illicit actors. The costs to businesses range from the theft of data, intellectual property and money to post-attack disruption, lost productivity and systems upgrades.

It is panglossian to think fraud can be eliminated, but more can be done to reduce it. Corporate boards and investors need to ask more questions. Investors are often too quick to take comfort from the presence of big names on the list of owners and directors. Some were clearly wowed by Theranos’s star-studded board, whose members included two former us secretaries of state and the ex-boss of Wells Fargo, a big bank.

Regulators need to be more sceptical, too. America’s Securities and Exchange Commission brushed aside a detailed and devastating analysis of Madoff’s business provided by a concerned fund manager, Harry Markopolos. Germany’s financial-markets regulator was similarly dismissive of the short-sellers and journalists who called out Wirecard.

The most effective change would be to do more to encourage whistleblowers. Falsified financial statements must start with someone who notices fraudulent acts. When fraud happens, many people ask “Where were the auditors?”. But the question should be “Where were the whistleblowers?”

As important as sceptical investors, regulators and journalists can be, much fraud would be undetectable without someone on the inside willing to spill the beans. Research shows that more than 40% of frauds are discovered by a whistleblower. The Wirecard scandal came to light largely because of the bravery of Pav Gill, one of the company’s lawyers, who went to the press with his concerns. The Theranos fraud was brought to the attention of the authorities and the Wall Street Journal by whistleblowing employees (one of whom was the grandson of a former political bigwig on the board).

Too often, companies seek to silence whistleblowers, or portray them as mad, bad or both: Wirecard, for instance, fought back ferociously against Mr Gill’s allegations and the journalists who investigated them. Organisations need to create safe spaces where employees can voice their concerns about wrongdoing. Internal reporting channels need to be robust, and employees educated on how to use them. Creating an environment where whistleblowers are celebrated, not vilified, is critical. Companies should worry more about anyone who can circumvent the controls, such as senior leaders or star employees, than about those inclined to raise concerns.

Governments, too, could do more. Protections for whistleblowers have been recognised as part of international law since 2003 when the United Nations adopted the Convention Against Corruption, and this has since been ratified by 137 countries. In reality, legal protections are patchy. They are strongest in America, which offers bounties to whistleblowers who provide information that leads to fines or imprisonment. In much of Europe, and elsewhere, the law is still too soft on those who muzzle or retaliate against alarm-ringers.

Fraud can be reduced. But first we must better understand who commits it, educate people on how to report it, and then ensure that policies protect those who choose to come forward. Until we do, financial crime will remain a multi-trillion-dollar scourge.

"Every Indian Olympic Medal Winner is greater than Dhoni and Kohli!"


 

Saturday, 27 May 2023

Deficits can matter, sometimes

Philip Coggan in The FT


Deficits don’t matter. This quote comes not from some spendthrift European socialist but reputedly from the distinctly conservative Dick Cheney, vice-president of the US from 2001 to 2009. 

According to an account by former Treasury secretary Paul O’Neill, in 2002 Cheney cited the Reagan administration as evidence for his thesis; the national debt tripled on the Republican’s watch in the 1980s but the US economy boomed and bond yields fell sharply. 

In the 20 years since Cheney’s remark, US federal debt has roughly doubled as a proportion of GDP. But 10-year Treasury bond yields are no higher than they were two decades ago; indeed they have spent much of the intervening period at much lower levels, even as debt has soared. The continuing brouhaha over the US debt ceiling has nothing to do with the willingness of markets to buy American debt; any everything to do with the willingness of politicians to honour their government’s commitments. 

However, Cheney’s sentiments have not always been borne out elsewhere. Over the past nine months the British government has discovered the problems that can occur when funding costs suddenly increase. And that has rekindled the debate over the ability of governments to run prolonged deficits. 

In one camp are the spiritual descendants of Margaret Thatcher, the former British prime minister who sought to balance budgets, arguing that “good Conservatives always pay their bills”. Modern budget hawks often say that governments should not pass on the burden of debt repayment to the next generation. Many also argue that budget deficits are caused by excessive government spending and that reducing this spending is not only prudent but will fuel economic growth. In the other camp are the majority of economists, who argue that unlike individuals, governments are in effect immortal and can rely on inflation, or future generations, to pay down their debts. 

They point out that government debt, as a proportion of gross domestic product, was very high (in both the US and the UK) in the aftermath of the second world war. That debt proved no barrier to rapid economic growth. Furthermore, ageing populations in the developed world mean there has been a “savings glut” as citizens put aside money for their retirements, making it easy to fund deficits. 

But the freedom of governments to issue debt comes with a couple of caveats. First, a country must be able to issue debt in its own currency. Many a developing country has discovered the dangers of issuing debt in dollars. If that country is forced to devalue its currency, then the cost of servicing the dollar debt soars. Secondly, countries need a central bank that is willing to support its government by buying its debt. The quantitative easing programmes of such buying has undoubtedly made it easier for governments to run deficits. 

In the eurozone crisis of 2010-12, deficits did matter for countries like Greece and Italy. Their bond yields soared as investors feared that the indebted countries might be forced to leave the eurozone. This would have either forced governments to default, or attempt to re-denominate the debt into their local currency. Greece turned to neighbours for help but found that other countries were unwilling to provide required support that unless Athens reined in its budget deficits. 

To many Eurosceptics, that proved the folly of joining the single currency. Britain was free of such constraints since it issued debt in its own currency and had a central bank that would undertake QE. Given those freedoms, the financial crisis of last autumn, which followed the mini-Budget proposed by the shortlived Liz Truss administration, was even more of a shock. 

While Truss tried to echo Thatcher’s imagery, she rejected the budgetary prudence of the Treasury as “abacus economics”. She argued that slashing taxes would lead to faster economic growth so that the deficit would disappear of its own accord as government revenues rose.  

However, the markets did not swallow the argument. The mini-Budget was followed by a spectacular sell-off in sterling and UK government bonds. The latter may have stemmed from the leveraged bets made by British pension funds on bonds. Still, the Truss team’s economic analysis failed to account for this possibility. 

Investor confidence in British economic policy had already been dented by the Brexit vote and by the rapid turnover of prime ministers and chancellors. The problem has not gone away. Data released this week showed that Britain was still struggling to contain inflation and gilt yields jumped back towards the levels reached after the mini-Budget. 

So Cheney’s aphorism needs amending. Deficits don’t matter if the government borrows in its own currency, and also has a friendly central bank, a steady inflation rate and the confidence of the financial markets. It also requires a continuation of the global savings glut. Those conditions mean there is plenty of scope for future governments to get into trouble.

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