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Showing posts with label Novartis. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Novartis. Show all posts

Wednesday 27 December 2017

How India rejects bad patents

Feroz Ali & Sudarsan Rajagopal In The Hindu


In 2005, India made some remarkable amendments to the Indian Patents Act of 1970, to keep medicines affordable in the country. Since then we have faced a significant blowback not just from the global pharmaceutical industry but also from developed world including from the U.S. and the European Union.

At the heart of the matter are the strong standards for patents which India introduced to promote genuine innovation across all fields of technology, in perfect compliance with the World Trade Organisation (WTO) norms. In contrast, developed countries have weaker standards as a result of incessant lobbying by corporate behemoths. Twelve years later, we now know what it means: India rejects bad patents in far greater number than developed countries.


The background

The findings of a new study by us which examined all 1,723 pharmaceutical applications rejected by the Indian Patent Office (IPO) between 2009 and 2016 have been an eye-opener.

Section 3(d) of the Indian Patents Act, a provision introduced to restrict the patenting of new forms of known pharmaceutical substances, became the subject of international attention after its use in rejecting a patent application by Novartis for the anti-cancer drug, Gleevec. We found that exceptions to patentability in Section 3 of the Act, which includes Section 3(d), were responsible for 65% of all rejected pharmaceutical patent applications.

Over its short lifetime, Section 3(d) has survived a challenge to its constitutionality before the Madras High Court, and Novartis’s fight against the rejection of its patent that went to the Supreme Court. Both courts ruled decisively to uphold the legality of Section 3(d). The United States Trade Representative has also repeatedly rebuked India for this provision in its Special 301 Report, despite its perfect compliance with WTO norms. While the world’s attention is still fixed on this legal experiment that the Indian Parliament introduced into law, there has been a dearth of information on how the IPO has applied Section 3(d). We found that it filters the bad from the good, with the lowest possible administrative and financial burden.


Rejected using Section 3(d)

An astonishing 45% of all rejected pharmaceutical patent applications cited Section 3(d) as a reason for rejection: the applications were identified as mere variants of known compounds that lacked a demonstrable increase in therapeutic value.

Between 1995 and 2005, prior to our new law, India provided a temporary measure to receive patent applications for pharmaceutical products at the IPO, called the mailbox system. Though introduced in 2005, the use of Section 3(d) gradually increased from 2009 when mailbox applications were examined. The spike coincides with the Supreme Court’s ruling in the Novartis case, in April 2013. It would appear that this judgment provided legal certainty to Indian patent law in general, and Section 3(d) in particular, enabling the IPO to weed out trivial innovations.


At the patent office

In the last decade, we found that the IPO rejected about 95% of all pharmaceutical patent applications on its own. Only 5% were through the intervention of a third party, such as a pre-grant opponent. Our basic patentability criteria, that the invention should be new, involve an inventive step (also known as non-obviousness), and should be capable of industrial application, were the most frequently used grounds for rejection, followed by the exceptions to patentability grounds in Section 3.
Section 3(d) invaluably equips the IPO with a yardstick to evaluate applications that are merely trivial innovations over existing technology. In cases where the invention is a variant of a known substance, the criterion for patentability is proof of a necessary improvement in its performance for its designated use, i.e., increased efficacy. In the context of pharmaceuticals, as was the case involving Novartis, this translates to evidence of an improvement in therapeutic efficacy. In other words, trivial innovation must result in a far better product in order to qualify for patent protection.

Within the arcane world of patent law, an argument against provisions such as Section 3(d) is that it is no more than an extension of one of the basic requirements of patentability: non-obviousness. Certainly, for an application to be deemed non-obvious, it has to establish a technical advance over what was known before.

But non-obviousness standards are more effectively applied in invalidity proceedings before a court of law than by officials at the IPO. The advantage that a provision such as Section 3(d) provides is the ability to question an application at the IPO itself without having to go through expensive and time-consuming litigation. The high cost of litigation poses significant barriers. Cases are often settled before reaching a conclusion, in pay-for-delay settlements negotiated by patent owners, where generic manufacturers are essentially paid to stay off the market. Patent litigation is expensive, but it is the patient who eventually pays a higher price — by being subject to exorbitant medicine prices, driven by the unmerited exclusivity that bad patents create.


As a check

Without Section 3(d), the Indian public would have to bear the burden of invalidating a bad patent through litigation.


India is certainly not alone in facing two connected challenges: constrained government budgets and urgent public health needs. As Section 3(d) has been efficient in separating the bad patents from the good in India, it would be a wise move for other developing countries, grappling with similar challenges, to incorporate similar provisions in their law.

Monday 12 May 2014

Defending India’s patent law

Prabha Sridevan in The Hindu


No one can attack India’s well-founded Intellectual Property regime as being weak merely because a drug that is claimed to be an invention fails the test of law

India and its intellectual property (IP) laws have been the subject of sharp criticism recently. Now, there is talk of the government invoking emergency provisions with regard to Dasatinib, a cancer drug. The decibel level may go up several notches.
Let us look at our law. The sovereignty of a country includes its power to make laws. Any person who pursues commercial interests in another country must submit himself/herself to the laws of the country. No one can attack our regime as being weak only because his/her invention did not stand up to the test of our legislation. Nor can India be accused of robbing Peter to pay Paul. It sounds romantic, but it is still robbery.
The Novartis case and the Nexavar case of compulsory licence (CL) are what have impelled this attack. Innovation and invention have speeded up in myriad ways in the last few decades and our country had committed itself to the obligations under the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights. Therefore, it was necessary for India to revisit its patent law; in 2005, the Indian Patents Act was amended, Section 3(d) being one of the amendments. It was the basis of the Novartis case.
TRIPS recognises that members have the right to use/adopt measures to protect public health so long as they are consistent with TRIPS. A recent study notes: “Policy makers in developing and developed countries need to base their implementation of intellectual policy rules on these pro-public health and pro-access principles.” The Doha Declaration is an affirmation of the right to use the flexibilities in TRIPS, especially by developing and less developed countries, regarding access to medicine. The language of the Doha Declaration emphasises the importance of implementing and interpreting the TRIPS Agreement in a way that supports public health.
“The TRIPS agreement does not limit the grounds on which compulsory licences can be granted, and does not prevent patent applicants from having to demonstrate enhanced efficacy for their allegedly new and useful inventions. There are many problems affecting access to and rational use of medicines in India but the provisions within the country’s patent laws, if more extensively and properly applied, should help rather than hinder such access. India’s laws and experiences could provide a useful example for low-income and middle-income countries worldwide.”
About patentability, not price

In Novartis, the Supreme Court said that while harmonising the patent law in the country with the provisions of the TRIPS Agreement, India had attempted to balance its obligations under the international treaty and its commitment to protect and promote the public health considerations of people in the country and elsewhere. The ‘thorn in the flesh’ Section 3(d) had been challenged by Novartis before the Madras High Court earlier. But the court upheld its constitutionality and rejected the attack on the grounds of vagueness and arbitrariness. Novartis did not file an appeal against that judgment. Novartis claimed a patent for Gleevec, a cancer drug which was refused. Novartis then appealed to the Supreme Court.
The intellectual property of the inventor lies in the invention which is claimed to be novel, inventive and patentable. The patent is a creature of law by which the state bars public access to that invention for a fixed period. The economic reward from the invention is earned during this time after which it goes to the public domain. Section 3(d) is a test of patentability. With reference to Gleevec, it is enough to know that 3(d) inter alia says that in the absence of evidence of enhancement of known efficacy, the mere discovery of a new form of a new substance is not an invention deserving the grant of patent. Imatinib Mesylate was the known substance and Novartis claimed a patent for its (the substance) beta-crystalline form.
The Supreme Court asked: “Now, when all the pharmacological properties of beta crystalline form of Imatinib Mesylate are equally possessed by Imatinib in free base form or its salt, where is the question of the subject product having any enhanced efficacy over the known substance of which it is a new form?” If an invention fails the 3(d) test, it means there was no inventive step. There was no intellectual property in the alleged invention, and nothing that could be stolen. Our lawmakers meant to check any attempt at repetitive patenting or extension of the patent term on spurious grounds, and blocked attempts to keep an invention “evergreen.” If those who attack the Indian patent regime claim that a minor tweaking of chemicals is a giant step forward for an invention, then our legislators begged to differ. The Supreme Court said that it was not ruling that all incremental innovations were non-patentable and that every case would be examined. Our law says that new forms of known substances which do not have enhanced efficacy are in effect advances without real innovation. Therefore, Section 3(d) is actually a catalyst for genuine inventions.
The Supreme Court said that Novartis had attempted to get a patent for a drug which would otherwise not be permissible under our law. Filtering doubtful patents is the strength of our law and not its weakness. The Novartis judgment was not about price but about patentability.
Let us look at the compulsory licence (CL) case, i.e. Bayer vs. NATCO. The mechanism of CL is essentially about balancing patent rights with access to medicine. The words “social and economic welfare,” “public health,” “national emergency” and “public health problems/crises” used in the Act are all pointers to the CL provisions being centred around access to medicine.
A CL is granted subject to three conditions; one of them is about price. The reasonable requirement of the public with regard to the invention should be satisfied. The price at which it is made available should be reasonably affordable. It should be worked in India. A CL may be granted if the answer is a “no” to any of the three conditions. The interpretation of the word “working” by the Controller-General was criticised. It is incorrectly projected that the CL was granted on this score alone. Bayer failed in the other two tests. As far as working is concerned, the question is this: should the inventor manufacture the invention locally or is it sufficient to import it? The Controller held that “working” meant local manufacture to a reasonable extent. The Intellectual Property Appellate Board (IPAB) said that “working” could in some cases mean local manufacture entirely, while in others, only importation, and that it would depend on the facts and evidence of each case. “Working” is not defined in the Act. This issue will be settled by the superior courts on review. The power of review by the superior courts is sufficient to show that our law provides for safeguards.
Compulsory licence

Even in the U.S., it is believed that CL would be a beneficial addition to its patent system, would not significantly impact the incentives for innovations, and that, “a compulsory licensing provision would ensure that the American public is adequately supplied with a product. If the patentee is unable to produce enough supply to meet the demand for the product, another producer should be able to license the product to meet the demand.” This is precisely what our law says!
In all these years, there has been only one instance of the grant of compulsory licence. In fact it was refused recently for Dasatinib, the drug that is now in the news. And Section 3(d) has been invoked by our patent office only rarely. If Gleevec was refused a patent, it is only because it failed the test of Indian law. Refusal is not an act of robbery, for it means there was no invention and hence no property in the first place. There is really no case made out for there being a weakness in Indian law. The pharmaceutical industry’s anxiety behind the clamour against Indian law cannot be on account of any inherent weakness in our law, but only because other countries will follow it.
(Prabha Sridevan is a former judge, Madras High Court.)

Sunday 7 April 2013

Patent justice


SAKTHIVEL SELVARAJ  
The Supreme Court’s patent denial to Novartis for its anti-cancer drug Gleevec leaves the door open for Indian pharmaceutical companies to produce their own versions of the drug.
The HinduThe Supreme Court’s patent denial to Novartis for its anti-cancer drug Gleevec leaves the door open for Indian pharmaceutical companies to produce their own versions of the drug.

Drug patents are designed to create profits that enable more research on diseases affecting millions. But in practice, they have often generated super profits for big pharma companies while erecting access barriers for the poor. The Novartis case spotlights much that is wrong with the system.


The rejection of the Novartis petition challenging one of the most progressive tenets of the Indian Patents Act (1970), as amended in 2005 by the Supreme Court, is a landmark verdict for the public health community and the generic drugs industry, in particular, and for global health. Under the amended Indian Patents Act, Section 3(d) allows drug companies to obtain product patents for new salts or chemical ingredients. This is intended to encourage drug companies to protect their rights and prevent these from being copied by competitors, allowing for a 20-year protection period to recoup investments. However, Section 3 (d) does not encourage frivolous patents. It is intended to encourage only breakthrough innovations and discourage new use of known chemical substances or new delivery mechanisms of existing chemical compounds.
Transnational drug companies not only possess the first mover advantage, but owing to the high-voltage brand image they create, often extend their patents well beyond the already long period of protection. Drug companies are known for ‘evergreening’ patents by filing new patents, tweaking existing molecules to show novelty. Innovation is a red-herring, often used by multinational drug companies to make super-profits at the expense of social good and well-being. Under the mailbox agreement of Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) provisions, India received over 9,000 mailbox applications as patent filings post-2000, while a major share of those were for pharmaceutical patents. Global evidence, on the other hand, shows that roughly 275 such patents were filed and granted for blockbuster drugs during this period. In order to pre-empt Indian generics companies from producing these drugs and to keep them away from the market, the big pharma companies have flooded the patent offices with frivolous patent applications, known to be existing molecules tweaked to appear as a novel product.
The R&D myth
The night before the apex court verdict, Novartis threatened to stop investing in research and development in India, if the verdict went against it. How serious is the threat and how realistic the scenario? In India’s drug production of over Rs. 100,000 crore, Novartis’ turnover is a little over Rs. 1,000 crore, constituting around one per cent. Out of the total expenditure of over Rs. 800 crores incurred by Novartis India in 2012, a paltry Rs. 29 lakhs was for R&D, constituting roughly 0.03 per cent of its entire expenditure in India.
Can such low spending can be considered R&D investment? In fact, Novartis R&D expenditure in India for the past five years has been in a similar range. On the other hand, Novartis consistently posted a profitability ratio (Profit After Tax as percentage of Total Income) of over 15 per cent in the last five years, something to envy for other sectors.
Big Pharma argues that if global R&D of innovator companies were to be considered, transnational drug corporations spend over US $ one billion to come up with a new drug. This includes cost of R&D incurred on failed drugs as well, as pharmaceutical companies take, on an average, roughly 12-13 years to get patents on new drugs. The magic one billion dollar figure is a gross overestimate. Even by conservative calculations, this figure would be one-fifth or one-fourth of the billion dollar estimate. But Big Pharma is quick to recoup its R&D spending from blockbuster drugs. Take the case of Gleevec (Imatinib Mesylate), sold in the US. Novartis raked in a total turnover of US $ 1.69 billion from the US alone in 2012 from the drug. The global turnover on Gleevec is anybody’s guess. It is also widely known that the cost of manufacturing drugs is only a fraction of the turnover.
Novartis currently sells Glivec (Gleevec) for Rs. 4,115 per tablet, while Resonance, an Indian generic drug company dispenses it at Rs. 30 per tablet. The annual cost of treatment per patient on Glivec would be in the range of Rs. 15 lakhs while Indian generic companies are offering it at Rs. 10,000. If Novartis were to get its patent on Glivec, Indian generic companies would have to stop their production, and therefore an unaffordable scenario would have prevailed for the common man in not only India but in other developing countries. Thankfully, the court ruled in favour of Section 3 (d) of the Patent Act.
Novartis claims that 95 per cent of cancer patients in India were provided the medicine free. This is patent untruth. Retail market sales in India for Glivec, sold by Indian generics producers are currently worth Rs. 20 crores. Novartis sells Glivec directly to patients and not through the usual retail chain, a system that is designed to make people believe that they offer the drug free.
After seven years of battle, the Supreme Court verdict seals this issue, facilitating Patent Controllers to strictly enforce Section 3 (d), thereby pre-empting pharmaceutical companies that seek to evergreen products. However, there are several other safeguards that are enshrined in the patent law that must be utilised to make life-saving and essential drugs affordable. And one such key safeguard is invoking compulsory licensing for blockbuster drugs, if the original manufacturer fails to sell it affordable rates.
Last year, India invoked the provision to license generic player Natco to produce Nexavar, after Bayer, the innovator failed to make it affordable. Such policy measures are critical, in order to improve access to life-saving medicines, as households in India are known to pay nearly 70 per cent of their health care spending on medicines.
(Dr. Sakthivel Selvaraj is Senior Health Economist, Public Health Foundation of India, New Delhi.)
Also read

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Why Novartis case will help innovation

    ACHAL PRABHALA
    SUDHIR KRISHNASWAMY 

The Supreme Court judgment on Glivec is a blow for a patent regime with a higher threshold of inventiveness


On April 1, 2013, the Supreme Court upheld the Intellectual Property Appellate Board’s decision to deny patent protection to Novartis’s application covering a beta crystalline form of imatinib —the medicine Novartis brands as Glivec, and which is very effective against the form of cancer known as chronic myeloid leukaemia (CML). The judgment marked a crucial conclusion to a saga that has been several decades in the making. The story could start in 1972, if you like, when the Indian Patents Act of 1970 — grounded in the findings of the Bakshi Tek Chand and Ayyangar Committee Reports — came into force, enabling the explosive growth of the Indian generics industry into the world’s largest exporter of bulk medicines. Or, it could start in 2005, when India amended its patent law to comply with the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs), a trade rule at the World Trade Organisation (WTO) that established a new global regime of intellectual property.

Key lesson
No matter where we start, the saga has come to a close, and the key lesson seeping through is that good sense won. Firstly, the Supreme Court decision was not about the patentability of the imatinib compound as such: that patent, having been instituted in 1993, is excluded from the purview of the Indian patent system, which is only obligated to consider patents filed in 1995 or after. The case the Supreme Court heard was whether Novartis’ beta crystalline form of imatinib was worthy of patent protection: its judgment was that this modification by Novartis did not satisfy the standard of inventiveness required under Indian patent law. Secondly, Indian patent law is as yet unchallenged at the WTO; Novartis’s earlier challenge to the constitutionality and TRIPs compatibility of Indian patent law was rebuffed by the Madras High Court in 2007 and no appeal was pursued. Thirdly, the Supreme Court judgment effectively recast Indian patent law as being nuanced and original in its meshing of domestic political economy concerns with the integrated global economy it participates in.
The outcome of this nuance and originality? Imatinib will continue to be 

available to patients in India from multiple suppliers at a price 10 times less than the current cost of Glivec; approximately 27,000 cancer patients in the country who pay for their imatinib will continue to have access to the medicine in the public and private sectors at the lowest cost possible; and should Novartis ever suspend its charitable programme, all 15,000 of the cancer patients who currently receive imatinib free from Novartis will have similarly equitable access to the medicine.

Hackneyed narrative
Despite substantial progress in the popular understanding of the place of patents in a developing country like India, a hackneyed narrative has emerged, especially in the pink press, warning us that this judgment will have a negative impact on innovation in the long run. As it happens, one of the most useful outcomes of the Supreme Court judgment is a renewed focus on what innovation is — and how it should be rewarded. Behind the headlines foretelling various levels of doom — the death of innovation in the country and the end of research for diseases which matter to us — is the popular idea that patents are a proxy for innovation. After all, patents are widely understood as short-term monopolies enshrined in the law and provided as incentive to inventors on the evaluation of publicly disclosed innovation. It would seem as if patents are synonymous with innovation. Except, this is not quite the case.

Minor variations
In the last three decades, the global gold rush for patents has been dominated by filings for minor and mostly inconsequential innovations — at the expense of breakthrough innovation. In large part, this is because weak standards in the patent laws of developed countries (led by the U.S. and Europe) have explicitly encouraged this shift. The whittled-down, lobbied-out, stretched-beyond-recognition patent regime that is characteristic of these countries — and other less-developed countries where they influence the polity — is unfortunately the ‘norm’ to which India now finds itself an ‘outlier.’ But the outlier is a solution: the norm is the problem. A British Medical Journal report from 2012 succinctly summarises the global research situation for new medicines: “This is the real innovation crisis: pharmaceutical research and development turns out mostly minor variations on existing drugs, and most new drugs are not superior on clinical measures.”
If the patent regimes of developed countries are dominated by minor patents, many or most of which have no demonstrable innovation to show, why are they so avidly pursued by global pharmaceutical companies? A Public Library of Science study from 2012 points to the answer: secondary patents extend the patent life (and thereby, the monopoly pricing) of pharmaceutical products long beyond their designated life span, adding, on average, between six and seven years to the patent life of the original compound. Any patent regime which incentivises secondary patents with weak laws will only serve to extend commercial monopolies at low levels of innovation — and will no longer provide the incentive for genuine innovation. The genius of the Supreme Court judgment on Novartis’s patent application lies in restoring the connection between patents and innovation by upholding and legitimising a regime with a higher threshold of inventiveness.
Will Indian patent law change the way the global pharmaceutical industry innovates? No; not immediately, at least. Could it positively affect pharmaceutical innovation in the long run? Absolutely. In the present day, India comprises 1.3 per cent of the global pharmaceutical market by value. That figure, in itself, is why changes to Indian patent law will not help global pharmaceutical giants break free from the incentive model they are prisoners of. At most, they might have to learn how to compete in a crowded market for some of their less original products. The symbolic opportunity presented by the Supreme Court’s backing of Indian patent law, however, is a real threat — and pharma CEOs in New York, London and Basel get it. In the long run, as more countries understand the Indian model, appreciate its legitimacy, and reflect on its benefits to both public health and innovation, they might want the same. And if that happens, when that happens, we may begin to see real, positive change in the way pharmaceutical innovation works.

Empowered scenario

The Indian Patents Act of 1970 was a game changer. From the perspective of 43 years of experience, we can safely say that it shook up the pharmaceutical industry and altered it irreversibly. The new, empowered scenario was most vividly illustrated during the peak of the HIV/AIDS treatment crisis in the first decade of the 21st century, when countries like Brazil, Thailand, South Africa and, of course, India, took health security into their own hands and legitimately moulded their domestic patent systems to respond to the crises within. The Indian Patents Amendment Act of 2005, which gave us the law we have today — a law which was ratified last week — has the potential to change the game once again. This time, however, the change might come more slowly; the hell the Indian government was dragged through has not been lost on anyone. The lengthy trials, the frequent challenges, the full-scale vilification, and every other scare tactic thrown our way by a public-relations juggernaut (along with the implicit support of many developed country governments) was not for nothing. And the Supreme Court judgment is all the more important as a result, for it shows a new way may be hard and tiresome, but is ultimately possible.

(Achal Prabhala works on access to medicines; Sudhir Krishnaswamy is on the faculty of Azim Premji University, and is the Dr. B.R. Ambedkar Visiting Professor of Indian Constitutional Law at Columbia Law School)

Monday 1 April 2013

Novartis loses landmark patent case in India


India’s Supreme Court dealt a significant blow to Western drugs firms on Monday when it rejected an application by the Swiss pharmaceutical company Novartis to patent an anti-cancer drug.

We need muscular legislation to ensure that all information about all trials on all currently used drugs is made available to doctors
Until recently patent and intellectual property disputes have been limited to HIV drugs as campaigners have accused Western firms of profiteering while poor patients in developing countries die. The Novartis ruling however marks a widening of the conflict to other proprietory drugs. Photo: Alamy

The company said the decision raised serious, wider implications for the industry and reflected India’s ‘growing non-recognition’ of intellectual property.
Its ruling, however, was hailed by campaigners and Indian pharmaceutical firms as a victory for the country’s poor who cannot afford expensive Western medicines. Indian drug firms sell generic versions of Western drugs for up to one tenth of the price.
India’s trade minister Anand Sharma yesterday hailed the decision as an “historic judgment” which reinforced Indian laws preventing companies from extending patent protection unfairly by minor tweaks to their products, a process known in India as ‘ever-greening. Y.K Hamied, chairman of Cipla, one of India’s largest generic drugs companies, said the ruling will “pave the way for affordable medicines in India.”
Novartis however yesterday warned the ruling will discourage expensive investment in new drug treatments. The decision “provides clarification on Indian patent law and discourages innovative drug discovery essential to advancing medical science for patient," it said in a statement.
“The primary concern of this case was with India's growing non-recognition of intellectual property rights that sustain research and development for innovative medicines. As a leader in both innovative and generic medicines, Novartis strongly supports the contribution of generics to improving public health once drug patents expire,” it added.
The company had applied for a patent for a new tablet version of its anti-cancer drug Glivec, which had taken years to develop, it said. The Supreme Court however ruled that the tablet did not amount to an advance sufficient to merit a patent. Around 16,000 Indian cancer patients use Novartis' Glivec - 95 per cent free of charge, the company said, while an estimated 300,000 use cheaper Indfan versions.
Until recently patent and intellectual property disputes have been limited to HIV drugs as campaigners have accused Western firms of profiteering while poor patients in developing countries die.
The Novartis ruling however marks a widening of the conflict to other proprietory drugs. Merck, the US-based drugs company is facing a dispute with the Indian pharmaceutical firm Glenmark which has launched a generic version of its diabetes drug Januvia which is almost a third cheaper.
“It's all about interpretation of section 3(d) of the Indian Patent Act,” said Ran Chakrabarti, a commercial lawyer based in New Delhi.
“Essentially, it says that you can't tweak something that already exists and then patent it, if it doesn't enhance the known efficacy of that thing, or result in a new product. No doubt lawyers will have spent a lot of time pouring over the meaning of 'enhance', 'efficacy' and 'new product', but it looks as if the Supreme Court has ruled that this is old wine in a new bottle.
"Drug companies are going to have to come up with something pretty unique to get patent protection, and while that's good news for consumers, it pushes the threshold for innovation northwards,” he added.

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A Just Order

Editorial in The Hindu


The Supreme Court order rejecting a plea to grant patent protection for Glivec, a cancer-fighting drug from Novartis, is a landmark. It will greatly strengthen the quest for access to affordable medicines in India. The decision affirms the idea that a patent regime loses its social relevance when a drug is priced beyond the reach of the vast majority of a country’s people. That pharmaceutical companies employ high pricing to limit the number of beneficiaries of “blockbuster” patented molecules and even older “evergreened” medicines is an irony, because making additional copies of a drug is not expensive. On the other hand, cost control and dispensing of essential medications in government-run health facilities is affected, because many States have no centralised procurement system. It is unsurprising, therefore, that less than 10 per cent of medicines sold in India are under patent, while the vast majority are branded generics. The court order should prompt producers of patented drugs to move towards liberal licensing and low cost manufacture in India, the pharmacy of the South that produces Rs.100,000 crore worth of medicines annually and sells nearly two thirds within the country. It is a matter of concern that at least a dozen pharmaceutical innovations used in the treatment of cancer, HIV/AIDS, and Hepatitis B and C are not affordable to even the upper middle classes, and impossible to access for the poor.
It would be a gross distortion to paint the Glivec order, which follows the compulsory licensing of Bayer’s drug Nexavar, as an innovation killer. There is evidence to show that major pharma companies recover more than the cost of innovation of a drug in a single year from the United States market alone. Moreover, the costing done by industry has come in for criticism from scientists and policymakers on the grounds that the bloated, irrelevant investments of recent decades are used as the baseline to make calculations. It should not, as the industry claims, cost a billion dollars (and take a dozen years) to produce a new drug; the informed estimate is a third of that figure. The contested field of drug discovery now calls for greater scrutiny of costs and therapeutic value, and control of prices through various legal avenues available under the Indian Patents Act and the Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights as confirmed by the Doha Declaration. It would naturally strengthen the case for grant of patents and consensus pricing, if the industry opens its books for verification. Until the golden mean is reached, governments with vast populations that are denied access to medicines due to economic reasons can justifiably use unilateral price control mechanisms.

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Calling big pharma’s bluff

DWIJEN RANGNEKAR in the hindu
   

The lesson from the Supreme Court ruling on Gleevec is that pharmaceutical multinational corporations need to focus research on genuine innovations rather than on ways to evergreen their patents


The much awaited Supreme Court judgment on Gleevec has been delivered. Novartis has failed in reversing the rejection of its patent. And, predictably — like a scratched record — there have been suggestions that pharma investments in India will dry up and take flight to China. At each twist of this case, Novartis has produced such bluster. We need to pay attention to the judgment as it is a nuanced handling of difficult questions concerning a hastily drafted section — Section 3(d) of the Indian Patents Act, which allows new forms of existing drug formulations to be patented only if they result in increased efficacy. The judgment adopts a gentle caution in parsing out Section 3(d); yet, it is firm in reading 3(d) as a “second tier of qualifying standards” for patentability. Further, the judgment also stands out by reprimanding the “artful drafting” of patent applications adopted by big pharma.

CHRONOLOGY


To begin, it is useful to draw out some of the chronology concerning Gleevec that the judgment reveals. The story of the patent begins with Jurg Zimmerman’s invention of derivatives of N-phenyl-2- pyrimidine-amine, one of which in freebase form was called “Imatinib,” and together constituted a U.S. patent application (no. 5,521,184) granted on May 28, 1996 (which, the judgment terms “the Zimmermann Patent”). Subsequently, a European patent was also acquired. Later, a patent application was filed for the beta crystalline form of Imatinib Mesylate (the subject in dispute) in January 2000. Initially rejected, the patent was awarded in May 2005 following Novartis’s appeal to a U.S. appellate court. What is interesting is that the filings for new drug approval, submitted in April 1998, was for Gleevec, and a filing for original drug approval in February 2001 was for Imatinib Mesylate. Confusing as this may seem, the judgment highlights this to establish that Imatinib Mesylate was covered by the Zimmerman patent and that Gleevec was its market name. Any remaining doubt, the judgment notes, is extinguished by the application for patent term extension: “This application leaves no room for doubt that Imatinib Mesylate, marketed under the name Gleevec, was submitted for drug approval as covered by the Zimmermann patent.”


CONTEXT


One of the useful aspects of the judgment is in distilling the significance of “context” in giving meaning to statute. Early on, it notes that to understand the import of the various amendments introduced in the third amendment to the Patent Act, 1970 — to come into full compliance with TRIPS — it is “necessary to find out the concerns of Parliament … What was the mischief Parliament wanted to check and what were the objects it intended to achieve through these amendments?” In this respect, the judgment recalls not only the heated Parliamentary debate, but also the concerns of public health practitioners the world over, and of public statements and petitions from U.N. agencies and civil society organisations. With India being the leading global supplier of bulk drugs, formulations and generic Antiretrovirals (ARV), the global concerns layered domestic worries about affordability of drugs.

Evidence in a widely cited study by the National Institute of Health Care Management, Changing Patterns of Pharmaceutical Innovation, is telling. Between 1989 and 2000, the U.S. Food and Drug Authority approved 1,035 new drug applications — of these, 65 per cent contained active ingredients that were already on the market (i.e. incrementally modified drugs), 11 per cent were identical and only 15 per cent were considered a “highly innovative drug.” Mischief like this results in a patent thicket around a single molecule to delay generic entry which Section 3(d) seeks to avoid. Consequently, the Supreme Court heralds Section 3(d) as a “second tier of qualifying standards for chemical substances/pharmaceutical products in order to leave the door open for true and genuine inventions but, at the same time, to check any attempt at repetitive patenting or extension of the patent term on spurious grounds.”

The significance of this rendering of Section 3(d) is borne out in the Supreme Court’s mix of caution in parsing out the section and firm pronouncements on patent drafting. Section 3(d) states, the mere discovery of a new form of a known substance which does not result in the enhancement of the known efficacy of that substance or the mere discovery of any new property or new use for a known substance or of the mere use of a known process, machine or apparatus unless such process results in a new product or employs at least one new reactant.
And, has the following explanation appended: For the purposes of this clause, salts, esters, ethers, polymorphs, metabolites, pure form, particle size, isomers, mixtures of isomers, complexes, combinations and other derivatives of known substance shall be considered to be the same substance, unless they differ significantly in properties with regard to efficacy.


MADRAS HC READING


Recall that the Madras High Court’s reading that efficacy is a pharmacological idea associated with the ability of a drug to produce a desired therapeutic effect independent of potency, i.e. “healing of disease.” And, the Intellectual Property Appellate Board (IPAB) had noted with respect to enhanced efficacy that “it is not possible to quantify this term by any general formula” and that an assessment would “vary from case to case.” In revisiting these readings, the Supreme Court also had the views of Shamnad Basheer (as an intervenor-cum-amicus) and Anand Grover (Counsel for Cancer Patients Aid Association). The latter had argued for a strict reading of 3(d) which would see efficacy entirely in pharmacological terms. While Basheer agreed that all advantageous properties may not qualify under 3(d), he held that increased safety and reduced toxicity should be seen favourably. Even as the Supreme Court recalls the concerns that author 3(d) — thus, urging a “strict and narrow reading” for medicines — it prefers to delay definitive pronouncement and allow for jurisprudence to develop on this matter. Yet, it is firm in noting that enhancements in the “physical properties” of a product would render a patent application foul of 3(d).
It is here that the evidence — either in the patent applications or submitted later through affidavits to Controller were found wanting in establishing enhanced efficacy. Take for instance the “Massimini” affidavit, filed before the Controller and directed at 3(d), where two points emanate. First, that the beta crystalline form of Imatinib Mesylate is highly soluble, and second that it demonstrates a number of improved physical properties (e.g. flow properties, thermodynamic stability). Yet, in probing, it becomes clear that the comparison is to Imatinib — and not Imatinib Mesylate, where the latter is the “known substance” in terms of 3(d). Which leaves the issue of increased bioavailability — and here the court finds “there is absolutely nothing on this score apart from the adroit submissions of the counsel” and dismisses the argument.


ON DRAFTING


A final aspect of the judgment that needs highlighting is the pronouncement concerning drafting. The careful interrogation of the sequence of events leading to the patent application for the beta crystalline form of Imatinib Mesylate opened up gaping holes in the claims made by Novartis. These included that Gleevec was “‘disclosed” in the Zimmerman patent and this point is also implied by Novartis’s legal notice to NATCO in the U.K. to stop production of its generic version, VEENAT. In response, Novartis argued that even while Gleevec could be claimed by the Zimmerman patent, it was not fully disclosed in an enabling manner. Thus, seeking to differentiate between claims and disclosure. This wonderful legalese was eloquently rejected by the Supreme Court; both, in terms of U.S. legal history that was cited and in terms of the argument’s merits. And it’s useful to quote at length: “We certainly do not wish the law of patent in this country to develop on lines where there may be a vast gap between the coverage and the disclosure under the patent; where the scope of the patent is determined not on the intrinsic worth of the invention but by the artful drafting of its claims by skilful lawyers, and where patents are traded as a commodity not for production and marketing of the patented products but to search for someone who may be sued for infringement of the patent.”


LAPSES


Looking back over the last several years, it is useful to recall the several lapses committed by Novartis. It failed to heed petitions by health groups and civil society to drop the case. For that matter it failed to also heed the wisdom of its own shareholders who urged it to withdraw the challenge. And at the Supreme Court along with losing the case, we also find that the Gleevec patent application “appears to be a loosely assembled, cut-and-paste job, drawing heavily upon the Zimmermann patent.”

The judgment should be well noted and celebrated. It recalls the context of 3(d) and reminds us of the matters of concern that punctuated its crafting. While the section may have been hastily drafted and insufficiently specified, it has the elements to withstand ever-greening. Pharma companies will always be rewarded for their inventive work and effort — and by drawing in a secondary qualifier, they will have to focus their efforts on genuine inventions rather than overlapping patents.

(Dwijen Rangnekar is Associate Professor of Law at the University of Warwick, U.K. E-mail: d.rangnekar@warwick.ac.uk)

Tuesday 21 August 2012

Pharmaceutical companies putting health of world's poor at risk



India makes cheap medicines for poor people around the world. The EU, pharmaceutical firms and now the US are pressuring the 'pharmacy of the developing world' to change tack
MDG : India : Generic drugs : Pharmacy In Mumbai
Customers buy medicine at a pharmacy in Mumbai. Photograph: Kuni Takahashi/Getty Images
India is often called the pharmacy of the developing world, which is no great surprise as more than 50% of its $10bn annual generic medicine production is exported.
But the domestic drug industry behind India's role as global pharmacist stands to emerge rather poorly from the free trade agreement (FTA) that Europe is proposing for India. In late-stage negotiations over the terms of the long-awaited agreement, the EU is calling for intellectual property rights enforcement that goes well beyond India's obligations as a member of the World Trade Organisation and would make it all but impossible for generic drug manufacturers in the country to continue in their present structure.
This could delay the introduction of cheaper medicines in India and elsewhere at a time when the global financial crisis has already put the squeeze on life-saving medicines across the world (last year the Global Fund to Fight Aids, Tuberculosis and Malaria cancelled its 11th funding round due to the crisis).
Yet protests on the streets of Delhi against the unfair terms of the EU-India FTA have been little noticed in the west, where such agreements are increasingly being promoted as a route out of domestic crises. For European leaders, they represent a foreign policy counterpart to calls for a growth pact at home. In a recent editorial, however, the former EU high representative for foreign and security policy, Javier Solana, all but admits that a similar agreement that Europe is tying up with Peru and Colombia may be "denying their weaker citizens [human] rights in favour of the interests of business".
In India, such fears are perilously close to being realised, because the EU-India FTA negotiations are not the only way in which the health of Indian citizens is coming under attack from Europe. In an effort to boost falling profit margins in the west, and to prise open more profitable markets elsewhere, European pharmaceutical companies are also chipping away at India's judicial system.
Next month, the supreme court of India will hear final arguments in a long-running case between Swiss pharmaceutical giant Novartis and the Indian government. Novartis is seeking extended intellectual property protection for a marginally modified anti-cancer drug, Glivec, for which the original patent has run out. This is a practice known asevergreening, seen by many as an unfair way for pharmaceutical companies to maintain artificially high drug prices in developing markets. That is certainly the view of the Indian government, which, in 2005, inserted a clause into its intellectual property law deliberately intended to prevent the practice.
That clause has proven to be a literal lifesaver many times since, and it ensured thatNovartis's original case was thrown out of court in 2006. But Novartis has filed new litigation in an attempt to breach India's legal defences. The final ruling is next month and there is every chance Novartis may succeed. If it does, other pharmaceutical companies will be able to impose higher prices on drugs in India too.
The Novartis case coincides with a third major assault on India's pharmaceutical industry: the final spear in a triple-pronged attack on its generic drug manufacturers by the west.
This involves the attempt by German pharmaceutical company Bayer to revoke the recent granting of a compulsory licence for an Indian firm, Natco Pharma. The licence was to produce a cheaper version of its anti-cancer drug Sorafenib. Bayer does not manufacture the drug in India, and imports in such small volumes that only a tiny fraction of potential patients could benefit. For its brand, Sorafenib, Bayer has charged Indian patients about $69,000 for a year of treatment, an unaffordable amount for most Indian households. Under the licence, Natco will sell the same medicine at 3% of this price, while paying a licence fee – and still make a profit.
But now Barack Obama's administration has weighed in on behalf of Bayer's battle for continued monopoly pricing. Testifying before the House of Representatives subcommittee on intellectual property on 27 June, the deputy director of the US Patent and Trademark Office said US officials are "constantly being there on the ground" pressuring the Indian government to desist from compulsory licensing.
It is not only Indian patients who stand to suffer from this triple-pronged attack. So, too, will charities such as Médecins Sans Frontières, which relies on Indian generic producers to supply 80% of the antiretrovirals it uses around the world. As MSF spokeswoman Leena Menghaney puts it, India is "literally the lifeline of patients in the developing world". In 2006, MSF launched an international campaign against Novartis, signed by half a million people, including Archbishop Desmond Tutu and the author John le Carré, to get Novartis to drop their pursuit of what the campaign argues is exploitation.
The campaign may not have reckoned on the scale of the assault under way, however. It is not only the pharmaceutical industry that needs to be addressed but the continued and ruthless lobbying by western politicians to secure the profitability of their own industries.
We ought to be asking why governments in the rich world still seem happy to checkmate the lives of poor people to save their political skins. And why the pharmaceutical industry sees India as such a threat. Could it be that they detect the whiff of real competition?
• Hans Lofgren is associate professor in politics at Deakin University, Melbourne. He is the editor of two forthcoming volumes (Palgrave Macmillan and Social Science Press) on pharmaceutical policy and access to medicines in India and the global south