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Wednesday, 14 January 2009

Don't bank on a caring, sharing recession


 

There is a constant refrain that hard times will encourage people to look after each other. In fact they bring crime and racism

 

 
One way that people try to cheer themselves up as the economic climate worsens is by hoping that recession will make us a less materialistic, more sharing nation. It won't. If anything, it will make us nastier and meaner.
 
Start with the basics. A recession is not the zeitgeist or the new black. It is merely a fall in national income. And a small fall. The consensus among economic forecasters is for real GDP to drop by 1.5 per cent this year. Even if they are wrong - it has been known - and GDP falls by more than 2 per cent, this would be only equivalent, on average, to us all taking a week's unpaid holiday this year. That would be only a mild inconvenience.
 
How, then, can recession be such a bad thing? Because the pain is not so evenly spread. It falls upon the small proportion of folk who lose their jobs or businesses, or who find it harder to get into work; recession causes job creation to slow as well as job destruction to rise.
 
Recessions, then, are a minority activity. A study of the last serious downturn by the late Paul Geroski and Paul Gregg, of Bristol University, estimated that the worst-hit 10 per cent of companies accounted for 85 per cent of job losses between 1989 and 1991.
 
The problem is that few of us know for sure that we will not be in this minority. For most, then, the main effect of recession is not to cause poverty, but insecurity. And when people are insecure and anxious, they care less for others. As Adam Smith said: "Before we can feel much for others, we must in some measure be at ease ourselves." Recessions mean that we are not at ease - and, as Smith recognised, more selfish as a result.
 
Smith was anticipating Abraham Maslow's theory of the hierarchy of needs. This says it is only after we have satisfied our basic needs for financial security that we care about others. When our security is in doubt, concern for others takes a back seat.
 
In his book The Moral Consequences of Economic Growth, Benjamin Friedman, of Harvard University, gives historic evidence for this. He shows how times of economic insecurity, such as the 1880s, the early 1920s or the 1970s, were associated with increasing intolerance, racism and hostility to immigration, while better times led to more liberal attitudes.
 
The same thing is true for the UK. In the good times of the 1960s, people wore flowers in their hair. When boom turned to bust in the 1970s, they watched Love Thy Neighbour. At the peak of the 1980s boom, 2.2 million voted for the Green Party in the 1989 European Parliamentary elections. In the 1994 elections - after the recession - this slumped to under half a million. So much for recessions making us greener.
 
They also make us meaner in another way - some of us turn to crime. In September a leaked Home Office report said that a recession would lead to a rise in burglaries. It might have added that the Pope is Catholic.
 
People commit crime for the same reason that I am writing this article - because the benefits outweigh the costs. In a boom, the costs of crime exceed the benefits for many people. Why go to the hassle of robbing someone when you can make money by working overtime? And the costs of being caught are greater if you are in work; going to prison or doing community service can cost you your job.
 
But if you are out of work, this calculus changes. If you can't make money honestly, making it dishonestly becomes more attractive. And a big cost of getting caught - the threat of losing your job - disappears.
 
Unemployment, then, increases the incentives to commit crime. This does not, of course, mean all the unemployed become criminals. We are talking about what happens at the margin. But this margin can be quite extensive. The best research here comes from the US, where economists can look at variations in unemployment by state and so control for nationwide factors such as demography (younger people commit more crime than older ones) or culture. One paper by Rudolf-Winter Ebmer, of the University of Linz, and Steven Raphael, of the University of California, San Diego estimates that a 1 percentage point rise in unemployment is associated with a 4.5 per cent rise in the number of burglaries and 6.5 per cent rise in car theft. A huge chunk of the fall in US crime in the 1990s, they concluded, was due merely to falling unemployment.
 
There is worse. Recessions can also increase racism. The last one hit black workers harder than whites. Between 1990 and 1992, the unemployment rate among white workers rose by 2.6 percentage points, from 6.8 to 9.4 per cent. But the jobless rate among black people rose by 9.4 points, from 12.5 to 21.9per cent.
 
In large part this is because black men are, on average, less qualified than their white counterparts and employers prefer to shed less-skilled workers. But it can also be that recessions give bosses freedom to indulge racist attitudes. When the labour market is slack, they can pick and choose more freely who to hire and fire. Guess who gets the dirty end of this stick? Kenneth Crouch of the University of Connecticut has shown that the US racial unemployment gap varies over the business cycle in a manner consistent with the fact that discrimination is easier in recession.
All this means that the standard view is plain wrong. This regards recession as a macroeconomic calamity but a cultural blessing. The truth, however, is the exact opposite.
 
In macroeconomic terms, recessions are no big deal: even a big one would leave 2009 the third-richest year in British history, and it's an open question whether recessions are good or bad for long-run economic growth. But in ethical terms, the effects of recession are usually pernicious.
 
Chris Dillow is an economics writer at the Investors Chronicle




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A tidal wave of discontent threatens China


 

The most famous Chinese dissident predicts the Government will be trapped between the angry poor and the powerful rich

The whole world is suffering from an economic crisis. Some in the West, like a desperate drowning man clutching at a straw, have said the Chinese Government has a lot of money, let us beg them to save us from the crisis. But they do not realise that the Government in Beijing does not know how to save itself.
 
China has a $2 trillion foreign currency reserve but it also suffers from a huge disparity between the rich and poor: while 0.4 per cent of the people hold 70 per cent of the wealth of the country, a fifth of the population - more than 300 million Chinese - have daily incomes of less than one dollar. This extreme concentration of wealth is a serious problem for the Chinese Government and threatens its grip on power.
 
First, it means that there are too few consumers to sustain a domestic market. So "the workshop of the world" is particularly reliant on the fortunes of the world economy. The Chinese Government announced yesterday that exports had fallen at their fastest rate in a decade, declining by 2.8 per cent in December, on top of a 2.2 per cent year-on-year fall in November. China's exporters are collapsing, pulling down other businesses with them. The Government claims that unemployment is running at 4 per cent in urban areas; but the official figures cannot be believed. According to some serious statisticians, the unemployment rate may have already passed 20 per cent. This makes the severity of the economic crisis in China much sharper than in the US and Europe.
 
Second, growing unemployment and stagnant wages will stoke the rising resentment against the super-rich, threatening the position of the ruling class. The Government regards the tens of millions of peasant workers who will return to the cities after the Chinese holiday season to closed factories and no jobs as an urgent threat. Chinese peasants have a long tradition of rebellion.
 
Following in the footsteps of the US Government, the Chinese Government in November announced a four trillion yuan ($600 billion) public spending package to get the country out of the slump. But this won't work in China. Because China's Government is not elected by the people its policies are run on behalf of the bureaucratic-capitalist class. Instead of acting in the interests of ordinary Chinese, it will try to save the big business enterprises of the ruling elite. But the owners of these big businesses will simply move their assets to safety outside China.
 
The evidence can already be seen: from Los Angeles to the shores of Lake Geneva, China's super-rich are anxiously snapping up real estate, paying with cash. The more turmoil there is - as unemployment shakes the social order - the more capital will flee China. This will exacerbate the vicious cycle.
So the Chinese Government is trapped by a terrible dilemma. It can act to help ordinary Chinese (in the manner of Roosevelt's New Deal in the 1930s) or the bureaucratic-capitalist class. But it cannot do both.
 
If the Chinese Government does not take a New Deal approach, it risks the Chinese people revolting and overthrowing those in power. Across the country there is mounting evidence of popular discontent turning to violence. According to the Chinese Government there were more than 80,000 "sudden incidents" - its euphemism for protests - in 2006; it is now thought that last year the figure rose to 100,000. This rising tide of discontent is Chinese history repeating itself - the end of each dynasty was marked by a crescendo of violence.
 
Military suppression cannot work. Soldiers are the relatives of the peasant workers who have lost their jobs; the families of the military officers will also suffer through the economic crisis. But if the Chinese Government does act to protect the ordinary Chinese, the ruling class of big businessmen and bureaucrats will overthrow it, and replace it with a Government that will protect its interests.
 
The first scapegoat will be Wen Jiabao, the Prime Minister. While his tears, most famously seen after the Sichuan earthquake, could fool the average person, they will not fool the bureaucratic-capitalist class. His end is set, except for the timing of his departure.
 
China has seen many political coups within the ruling class. The most recent examples are from the 1970s. Lin Biao failed in his coup against Mao Zedong in 1971; while Hua Guofeng overthrew the Gang of Four and ended the Cultural Revolution in 1976. A political coup within the Communist Party could provide the temporary stability necessary to solve the economic crisis.
 
But if a solution is not found then the Government will fall. In a democracy, the end of a government is a normal event. However, in a dictatorship it is a matter of life or death. Since Hu Jintao, the President, and Wen took power, changing officials has become bloodier. As part of the political struggle for power more and more officials have been executed or sent to prison - usually under the cloak of punishing corruption. The internal conflict between the various vested interests within the Communist Party is getting bigger with each wanting to make the rival factions scapegoats.
 
From what I hear from people of all backgrounds from inside China they believe, 20 years on from the anniversary of the Tiananmen Square massacre, that time is up for the regime - they believe that in 2009 or 2010 the Chinese will reach the limit of their toleration for the Communist Party. One particular case sums up this mood of discontent: Yang Jia, a man who was executed last year for the murder of six policemen he killed as revenge for being beaten, became a symbol of resistance to many Chinese. He was hailed as a hero on many blogs, pro-Yang grafitti appeared across the country and crowds turned up at court to support him during his trial. The popularity of this man from Shanghai illustrates vividly the rebellious mood of the Chinese people. The intensity of this feeling far surpasses the resentment that was directed against Mao's Government in the 1970s or the corruption of the 1980s.
The people of modern China are different from their ancestors: they no longer expect a wise emperor and fair judges to rule over them. They know that only democracy will guarantee what they want: prosperity, security and fair treatment. The Chinese ruling class think this too - that's why they already send their children and their money to the West.

 
Wei Jingsheng was imprisoned by the Chinese State in 1979-93 and 1994-97 for his human rights activism. In 1997 he was deported to the United States. He was awarded the Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought and the Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Award in 1996




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Success isn't written in the stars, it's in the length of your fingers

 

Take a look at your hands – you will learn a lot about yourself, Cambridge University scientists say

I
t is the simplest hands-on experiment – and, for once, it is safe to try this at home. Compare the length of your fingers and predict your own future.
Everything from sporting prowess to academic ability, sexual orientation to susceptibility to disease can be assessed on the twin measurements of the length of the ring and index fingers. It is science's answer to palmistry.
 
Researchers at Cambridge University have found that finger length can point to success in the City. Traders with longer ring fingers made the most money – up to six times more than those whose ring fingers were relatively short.
 
The study, published in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, found finger size accounted for 20 per cent of the difference. Though the finding provoked scepticism – one blogger tartly responded, "Scientists with little else to do than measure fingers should pull their own out" – the Cambridge boffins are not alone. The significance of finger length has been investigated by research groups worldwide – with surprising results.
 
The ratio between index and ring finger is believed to be linked to exposure to the male hormone testosterone in the womb. On average, men tend to have longer ring fingers and women longer index fingers. The higher the testosterone, the greater the length of the ring finger and the more "masculine" the resulting child – whether male or female. The longest ring finger is known as the "Casanova pattern".
 
Professor John Manning, author of The Finger Book, said the ratio was a "living fossil" of the early period of pregnancy – a measure of past exposure to testosterone, and future potential.
 
Ring finger longer than index finger
 
More often found in men than women, people with longer ring fingers tend to excel on the sports field, especially in running and football.
Scientists at the University of Bath found that children who had longer ring fingers are better with numbers-based subjects such as maths and physics, which are traditionally male favourites. A study this week showed autism may be linked with exposure to testosterone in the womb. Autism is sometimes described as the "extreme male brain" and is four times more common in boys than girls. Finger length might provide an early warning of the condition. Canadian researchers from the University of Alberta have found a correlation between length of the ring finger and levels of physical aggression – as would be expected in the most masculinised individuals.
 
Index finger longer than ring finger
 
The traditional pattern in women, long index fingers can predict a child's academic strengths. Scientists at the University of Bath found that longer index fingers indicated good verbal and literacy skills, where girls dominate. The findings were published in the British Journal of Psychology in 2007. Studies of sexual orientation have shown that lesbian women are more likely to have longer ring fingers, suggesting exposure to higher levels of foetal testosterone. Professor John Manning said research he had conducted suggested that gay men were more likely to display feminised finger ratios, suggesting less testosterone exposure in the womb.
 
However, sceptics have observed that twin studies show that 70 per cent of the difference in finger length is inherited from our parents.

 

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Saturday, 10 January 2009

To quote from Shantaram, ‘The only force more ruthless and cynical than the business of big politics is the politics of big business'.


 


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The friends of Satyam (Rogue's gallery)?

UK based World Council for Corporate Governance - Golden Peacock Award for 2008 - Satyam (now withdrawn)
 
Ramalinga Raju named Ernst &Young Entrepreneur of the year 2007

 
Take the role of Satyam's independent directors who are now trying desperately to distance themselves from the mess. What is even more depressing is that the independent directors included Harvard professor Krishna Palepu, Indian School of Business Dean M Rammohan Rao, entrepreneur Vinod Dham and former Cabinet Secretary T R Prasad. If a board so exalted and comprising so many eminent people cannot ensure adherence to corporate governance norms, there is something seriously wrong with the system.
 
 
 


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Friday, 9 January 2009

At least a fifth of the top 500 listed companies practice "creative accounting"


 

How did Satyam pull off India's biggest corporate fraud?
8 Jan 2009, 1843 hrs IST, REUTERS


Government has vowed to strengthen laws to prevent corporate fraud after Satyam Computer, the country's fourth-largest software company, shocked investors by revealing profits had been falsely inflated for years.

Chairman Ramalinga Raju resigned on Wednesday after revealing India's biggest corporate scandal in memory, sending the company's shares plunging nearly 80 per cent.

The following is an overview of how the fraud escaped detection for so long and what compelled a soft-spoken man born into a family of farmers to risk all.

Q: How did Satyam escape detection?

A: On the face of it, New York-listed Satyam did everything by the rulebook, with an international firm auditing its books, declaration of accounts in accordance with Indian and U.S. standards, and the requisite number of independent directors with excellent credentials, including a Harvard business school professor and a former federal cabinet secretary.

Raju, in his now famous 5-page letter outlining the deception, said no other board member -- past or present -- was aware of the financial irregularities.

Regulators were blindsided, and analysts and experts say there are "systemic flaws" in accounting and audit practices.

About $1 billion, or 94 per cent of the cash, on the company's books was fictitious, Raju said, and manipulation of the cash flow may be a reason why the fraud was undetected.

"Companies have manipulated P&L (profit and loss) accounts before, but cash flow is the Holy Grail -- you don't tamper with it," said Saurabh Mukherjea, an analyst at UK-based research firm Noble Group.

"Auditors generally assume if there is cash, things are OK. But there are plenty of accounting and governance loopholes."

India also lacks a culture of dissent, with shareholders and independent directors reluctant to question company founders.


Also Read
 → Satyam's CFO puts in papers; Board to take call on Jan 10
 → Satyam addresses media: liquidity a concern
 → Govt orders inspection of 8 Satyam subsidiaries
 → PwC says audit of Satyam in accordance with auditing standards


Q: What was the motive?

A: India's $50-billion information technology industry -- the poster child for India's economic liberalisation and rapid growth -- expanded at a scorching pace on the back of outsourcing demand from Western firms.

At the height of the boom, top software firms Tata Consultancy Services, Infosys Technologies, Wipro and Satyam consistently reported annual 50-per cent increases in profits every quarter.

Pressure to maintain this pace of growth, please investors and shareholders and justify inflated P/E multiples during a six-year bull run on the stock market have all been cited as reasons why Satyam cooked the books.

Some news reports say Raju was an aggressive investor in failed dotcoms, and the family also put money in real estate.

Raju, in his letter, said he had "not benefited in financial terms" as a result of the inflated accounts.


Q: Are there other Satyams out there?

A: Most certainly, say analysts and industry experts.

While there has been a plea from chief executives across the board against painting all of corporate India with the same brush, Noble Group estimates at least a fifth of the top 500 listed companies practice "creative accounting".

"At its most innocent it is not illegal, but account manipulation is very pervasive," said Mukherjea.

Q: What needs to be done to prevent another Satyam?

A: Tighter rules for accounting and corporate governance, including appointment of independent directors by selection committees, and greater oversight from regulatory and government authorities.

Noble Group also suggests separation of audit and consultancy functions at companies, and quicker publication of annual reports.




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